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Should I Just Declare the Republican Primary Over and Anoint Mitt Romney?

BEGIN TRANSCRIPT

RUSH: I'm minding my own business yesterday -- (interruption) put a stop to what?  What do you mean am I gonna put a stop to the primary?  I really don't understand.  What do you mean?  Oh, no, no, no.  It's not time to put a stop to it, anoint anybody and say that we're done. Newt's not getting out.  He's gonna stay in through Super Tuesday.  That's where he's got all of his money banked.  This thing could go on as far as May.  Santorum's not going anywhere.  Santorum doesn't have a lot of money even now.  Romney outspent Santorum six to one in Michigan.  I mean just some facts about Michigan.  Romney won by nine points in 2008. He won by three points last night but got more votes last night than he did in 2008.  But the percentage of his victory in 2008 was nine.  It was three points last night.  Santorum -- and this is preliminary, I've gotta double-check this all, but this is what I have now -- Santorum won 57 out of 83 counties. 

As of now, Santorum, who lost the popular vote, won because of the way delegates are apportioned.  Seven of the 14 congressional districts, Romney has won six.  So that's seven and six, a total 13 out of 14.  One is still too close to call.  Now, according to what I'm told, the 28 delegates, of those 28 delegates in Michigan, Santorum will either win 14 or 15, something like that, the way things get apportioned because of the number of delegates and counties, districts, so forth and he won in Michigan.  So it's not winner-take-all.  So when you ask me if I should pronounce it over, it's not my job to do that anyway. 

In fact, grab audio sound bite number two because this came up last night with Ted Baxter, who had Charles Krauthammer on, and they were talking about the Republican brand.  I got two sound bites here, since Snerdley has raised this thing: Should I put a stop to it and just anoint Romney and get on with it now? Why do you think that?  Just stop all this destruction, well, that's what Krauthammer is saying. Krauthammer is saying the Republican Party's brand is being destroyed with all of this.  It may have been destroyed so much that it's hard for Romney to win.  Let's go to the two sound bites.  O'Reilly said, "If you see all the national polling, Rasmussen did one yesterday, Romney either wins or is very close in Michigan.  I don't know if he's so much a weak candidate or in this situation where Republican conservatives dominate a lot of these votes.  I'm not sure.  What's going on, Charles?"

KRAUTHAMMER:  On Romney's weakness, in an election year where the incumbent president's got over 8% unemployment and he promised it would be 6% or less if you did his stimulus; when you've got the worst economic comeback of any recession since the Second World War; when you've got a government that's added $5 trillion in debt in one term, you should not be running neck and neck. So that already is a sign of weakness, and he really ought not be struggling with Santorum.  The problem with Romney is he keeps saying stuff like the wife's two Cadillacs or I'm not really a big fan of NASCAR, but I know the owners of the race car teams.  This is just a candidate who's not fluent in candidacy.  It's just not his thing.  He's a good man, I think will make a good president, but he's not a good candidate.

RUSH:  All right, that's Charles Krauthammer.  That may sum it up for a lot of you, by the way.  He's not fluent in conservatism.  It's just not his thing.  He's not fluent in candidacy.  It's just not his thing.  He's a good man.  I think he'll make a good president, but he's not a good candidate.  But, according to Krauthammer, this campaign has resulted in Romney appearing weak.  So then Baxter said, "Okay, do you think Romney is gonna have a hard time with Obama even though polls and research show that independent Americans are more likely to vote for Romney than the president.  What are you basically saying, that some conservatives are just gonna sit it out and not vote?"

KRAUTHAMMER:  No, I don't think that's the analysis.  Here's the analysis.  I think the weakness that Romney has is not the conservatives won't show up in November.  They will.  They want Obama out, and that will override everything.  The problem is with the Reagan Democrats, the white working class that Obama lost in 2008 by I think about eight or ten points. You've gotta win that by 20 points, and you can do that.  Some of the Republican candidates in theory could do that.  Romney is weak with that segment.  He knows it.  That's why he tries to do the everything and he keeps tripping over himself.  If he wins that constituency, he wins the presidency, but that's where he's gotta work.

RUSH:  Well, what's interesting about that, white working-class constituency.  I keep harking back to the piece by Thomas Edsall in the New York Times, it's now a month old.  Edsall used to be at the Washington Post, now he's with the Huffing and Puffington Post, and he's tight with the campaign, with Obama, with the White House.  And they basically admitted, they conceded in that op-ed piece that they're not going after white working-class voters, white working-class families.  And those people are defined alternately as white working-class Democrats, Reagan Democrats, white working-class voters.  As you heard Krauthammer say, Obama lost that group by eight to ten points in 2008.  And Obama's not even going to campaign for them, we know this. 

In fact, the great unifier just this week set up an organization, African Americans for Obama.  Now, why does he have to do that?  What was the percentage of African-Americans that he got in 2008?  It was 99-plus.  Yeah, easy -- as it is every presidential race.  So why does he have to set up African Americans for Obama?  Why is that even necessary?  But you tell me.  Is there some fear that they won't show up and vote?  Are they dispirited or something?  Is there some fear they're gonna vote for the Republican nominee?  I haven't seen that anywhere.  But, anyway, despite that, the great "unifier" is setting up all of these divisions now. 

But Obama is going to be campaigning exclusively to the people who are being pulled in the cart: The people that aren't paying income tax, the people that are on the federal dole. He has made the calculation that that's where he wins. It's clear to me that the Democrat Party has now made the determination that, of the people that vote in this country, a clear majority of them don't work. A clear majority of them don't want to work. A clear majority of them live and breathe on this class envy stuff, and are gonna vote for somebody who's gonna make sure their contraception pills keep coming; their welfare checks keep coming, their disability checks keep coming, their unemployment checks keep coming. Food stamps, you name it.

That's his group. That's his constituency. Illegal immigrants or families of illegal immigrants. As many minority groups as he can create and convince they are victims of an oppressive America. And, in that calculation, he just casts aside white working-class families while setting up African Americans for Obama. I think Krauthammer's right: If the margin of victory in that group, for whoever the Republican nominee is, is 20 points, then it is over. What Krauthammer is saying is that Romney is attempting to reach that group. When he goes to the Economic Club of Detroit and says (paraphrased), "Yeah, I drive a Ford pickup or whatever, a Chevy pickup and a Mustang and the wife drives a couple of Cadillacs," that's what Krauthammer's saying.

He's just not natural doing this. He's like somebody embarrassed of his achievements, embarrassed almost of his wealth, and is trying to excuse it. While, at the same time, trying to sound like everyman. So he went to the Daytona 500, and they asked him about NASCAR, and he says, (summarizing) "Well, you know, I rarely follow it, but I know a bunch of owners of the teams." And that is what Krauthammer's describing as not being fluid in candidacy and not being fluent in conservatism and so forth. So still thinks he'd make a good president. He is just not all that good a candidate. So here are the numbers: Romney won by nine in 2008; he won 41-38 or three points last night.

Santorum won 57 out of 83 counties. That's an incredible percentage, and it reminds me of the map of the United States, red and blue by county, when you look at that after a presidential race. The whole country is red (signifying Republican) except LA, San Francisco, Seattle, Miami, Washington, New York, Boston, Chicago and Detroit. The Republicans win 80% of America's counties and lose the White House. Santorum won 57 out of 83 counties. And, as of now, Santorum, while losing the popular vote, has won seven of the 14 congressional districts; Romney won six; there's still one at least right now (earlier this morning it was one) still too close to call. This means that, of those 28 delegates, Santorum will either win 14 (if the last district goes to Romney) and 16 if Santorum wins the last district.

So the delegate count from those 28 will be either a 14-14 tie or 16-12 Santorum. Of those 28 delegates. There are two at-large delegates. They could go to the candidate who gets 50% of the vote. Since nobody did, they will be split, one each, between Romney and Santorum. So the final delegate count coming out of Michigan will be either 15-15 tie or 17-13 Santorum. Now, that might shock you. I'm getting looks of curiosity from people on the other side of the glass. But that is the way it breaks down.

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