RUSH: Now, here is the theory on how this becomes law, including being passed in the House of Representatives. Let me find the sound bite here that's relevant. I'm looking for Boehner on this. As high tech as I am, I am still using pieces of paper for this. Well, I don't see it. I thought we had a Boehner sound bite on this. Maybe it was yesterday that we had a Boehner sound bite on amnesty.
Anyway, the status of the bill in the Senate is this: Mitch McConnell has said he's gonna vote for cloture, despite that he has reservations about the bill. "In a statement on the Senate floor this morning, Republican leader Mitch McConnell signaled he’d vote for cloture for the immigration bill. But he also suggested the bill needs to be amended."
Cornyn does that. Cornyn has a long amendment, pretty lengthy amendment to the bill. But the bill goes before the full Senate, and it passes, it gets its 60 votes, and then goes to the House, where it was supposed to die, by design, so that the Democrats could run for the midterm elections in 2014 once again characterizing Republicans as cold, cruel, heartless, anti-Hispanic, anti-people of color, anti-female, anti-everything.
It's just another example of how the Republicans hate everybody and hate everything, that they shut down amnesty, immigration reform for our Hispanic brothers and sisters. That was the plan. Now, a new theory has evolved that would explain how the law actually gets passed in the House, and then signed by Obama, and we get amnesty before the 2014 elections. Here's the theory, some might say the fear, that the House will pass, 'cause the Republicans have the majority, their own version of amnesty, and it will be a conservative flavored bill that probably will not include blanket amnesty. It will disagree fundamentally and substantively from what the Senate passes.
So then you have two bills. Well, what happens then? Well, the bills have to be compromised into one and then that final bill is sent back to the House and Senate for the final vote. And what that's called is conference. So the House would have their conference committee, the Senate would have theirs, and they start negotiating on the two bills. So you've got full-fledged amnesty coming out of the Senate, and you've got whatever the Republicans pass in the House, which probably wouldn't be. The House leadership will appoint the conferees. And so the theory goes that the House leadership would appoint people who would probably have no problem altering the House bill to agree with the Senate bill. And that there are enough RINOs in the House to pass the conferenced compromise bill that would essentially be the Senate version.
This is, I don't know if you could call it the fear that some people have in the House that this is what's gonna happen, because the leadership could appoint whoever the conferees are. So the original Republican-passed bill in the House could end up not looking at all like what was passed. Conferees, once again, could agree to anything. But then it has to go back to both houses and be voted on again. One single bill, which the theory goes, after conference would look pretty much like the Senate bill. And the reason, so goes the fear or the theory that it would pass the House, is that there are enough Republicans in there scared out of their pants that if they vote against it, that they're gonna be portrayed as anti-Hispanic and that they're never gonna get any Hispanic votes, and they're gonna be a minority party forever. When, in fact, if what I've just laid out happens, you can -- go to California and try to find the Republican Party. They're there.
They're there. But you don't hear from 'em much, and you need the Hubble telescope to find them. That's what this bill from the Democrat standpoint is designed to do is to destroy Republican Party. And even Senator McCain has admitted that the Senate bill will not get the Republicans one additional Hispanic vote. But the senator says that the advantage is it gets us in the game. It gives us credibility with the Hispanic community, and therefore it enables us to compete for their votes with credibility, because we will have shown that we don't hate them. Now, I don't know about you, folks, but you go through your life trying to demonstrate to others that you don't dislike 'em, don't hate 'em, as opposed to a positive, here's-what-we're-for agenda.
RUSH: I'll tell you the reason why I thought that I had a Boehner sound bite is because I did. It was yesterday. He appeared on Good Morning America Tuesday morning, and George Stephanopoulos said to him, "What's the most important thing, Mr. Speaker, that you will get done in the House this year?"
BOEHNER: I think immigration reform is probably at the top of that list.
STEPHANOPOULOS: Signed into law?
BOEHNER: I think by the end of the year we could have a bill.
STEPHANOPOULOS: One that passes the House, passes the Senate, signed by the president?
BOEHNER: No question.
RUSH: And there's why, ladies and gentlemen, there is fear within the Republican ranks that the idea of amnesty passing the House is a possibility because the Speaker alluded to it quite openly on Tuesday on Good Morning America. Let's go to Ted Cruz. Senator Cruz late yesterday afternoon in Washington on the Senate floor had this to say about immigration reform and its future.
CRUZ: There not 218 votes in the House of Representatives to pass a pathway to citizenship. My friends on the Democratic side of the aisle know that but I think they've made a political judgment that they want to campaign on this issue rather than rolling up their sleeves and saying, "How do we actually get a bill that can pass into law?" The votes are already precooked that this bill is gonna pass the US Senate. But absent major revisions, absent revisions along the lines of the amendments that I introduced in committee and intend to introduce on the floor again, this bill will crash and burn in the House. And it is designed to do so.
RUSH: Okay. So what do we do, a little juggling going on here. The Speaker of the House, you just heard him say from Tuesday on Good Morning America that, "Yeah, we'll get a bill by the end of the year that passes the House, passes the Senate, signed by the president." Well, Obama's only signing amnesty. He's not gonna sign anything else. You know it and I know it. So Boehner says, "Yeah, we got a bill outta here by the end of the year that Obama will sign," that's amnesty.
Ted Cruz, "There aren't 218 votes over there for this, and it isn't gonna happen. It isn't intended to happen. It's a campaign issue. This bill is designed to crash and burn in the House, designed to do so." Well, maybe at first, but then if it does pass -- the Senate bill's designed to crash and burn over there, but if the House does their own version of a bill that can pass and then they go to conference, then it could be that all bets are off.
Meanwhile, I, El Rushbo, am looking for a pathway to the shadows. I mean, the illegals are looking for a pathway to citizenship. I want a pathway to wherever they are.
Well, what do you mean Current TV? (laughing) No.
My point is how do we know, folks, that there are 10 to 11 million of 'em if we don't know where they are? Are we using a statistical average of the numbers we think arrive here crossing the border illegally every year and just adding it up since 1986? Because I've seen the number all over the place. I've seen it as high as 20 million. I think I even saw it once potentially at 30 million illegals. But how do we know that it's 11 million? And I guess some would say, "Well, Rush, we actually don't. That's why we need a pathway to citizenship, bring them out of the shadows." Why not use the NSA to find them? They find everybody else. We found Snowden. I mean, they can find you. They can find your credit card receipts and activity. It's amazing these 10 to 11 million people, no matter what we do, just cannot be found.
The only way that we can find out who they are, where they are, how they're living, is to tell them that they now are free and clear of US law and they have been granted a legal pathway to citizenship, and when that happens, there's to be an exodus from the shadows. You go to the shadows and you'll see 'em come out of there. That's the theory. And then they come out, we start counting. So we'll have to go to the shadows, we'll watch the shadows, of course this has to happen near sundown. Well, not necessarily, shadows happen all the time. Wherever there are shadows, you have illegals that will be coming out, you start counting, that's how we'll know. Other than that, we're clueless; we're helpless; we don't have the slightest idea.
No, I'm trying to make a point that we're just being -- I don't want to say lied to -- we're just being played here, folks. Our emotions are being played upon, sympathy is being played upon. There's an effort to tap into what sounds like to people common sense. Oh, yeah, they're here illegally. They don't want to be known. They're hiding. They're afraid of being deported. And the only way we can get 'em out of that fear and come up and identify themselves, is to tell 'em that there's no longer any fear being deported, no longer any fear of being separated from their families, and they'll come on out.
On the other side of this, the NSA, PRISM, Verizon, you name it, everything we're doing, if they want to, can be discovered. Everywhere we go can be discovered, even with metadata, if that's all they've got. For example, they have you calling Domino's pizza 20 times a day. They don't hear your conversation. What are you calling Domino's for? Pizza. And it's like my tech blogger paranoid guy wrote. If you call the suicide hotline from the Golden Gate Bridge, you don't have to overhear the conversation to know that you might be thinking of killing yourself. Or if you call some AIDS hotline, you don't need to know the contents of the call to know what you're calling about. So metadata, they still can learn.