RUSH: Is that guy good or what, folks? Marco Rubio. I mean, that was impressive. He stayed on point. He stayed on message, and he believes it. You can tell that he didn't need notes. He doesn't have to consult anything, no prompter. It's in his heart. And he's lived it, to boot. That was impressive. And I'll say this, too. Here is a guy who does not fear talk radio. He embraced it. He is not at all intimidated or afraid. He wasn't afraid of what would be said about him coming on this program. Kudos all the way around. And he's right about what he said about the president.
The president is the one who's gonna have the explaining to do here, because, whether you like it or not, there are eight senators, four Republicans and four Democrats, who have not yet committed to paper, but they've shaken hands, they got compromise, and the president's gonna come along today and undermine this. It's gonna be Barack Obama who undermines this. It's Barack Obama who's gonna undercut the primary objective that all of these eight senators say is imperative to them, and that is border security first. You go back to 1986, Simpson-Mazzoli. This is a repeat. The same things were promised. Everything happened except the border security. Ted Kennedy said, "Never again will we need to grant amnesty if we do it this time."
I want to give you some facts and electoral results, too, that we mentioned during the campaign that should be of interest to the Republicans. In 1984, when Ronaldus Magnus won his 49-state landslide, he got 37% of the Hispanic vote. I know numbers are tough on radio, but I'll make this easy. In '84, 37% Hispanic vote. Two years later, we do amnesty. Two years later we open our hearts, we open our borders, we open our minds, and we legalize every Hispanic in the country illegally. And you would figure that the next Republican presidential candidate, George H. W. Bush, would get even more of the Hispanic vote, if for no other reason, gratitude. Didn't happen. Thirty-seven percent Hispanic vote for the Republican in '84, 30% -- we lost 7% Hispanic vote after amnesty. This is another reason the Republicans have to be concerned as to their motivation for this, because, for the Democrats, it's all about voters and a permanent underclass.
RUSH: We got Vinny. Vinny in Brooklyn. Great to have out program, sir. Hello.
CALLER: Hey, Rush, good to talk to you again.
RUSH: Yeah, welcome back, Vinny. It's always a thrill to have you here.
CALLER: Like I told the call screener, you know, I was adamantly against any type of so-called comprehensive immigration reform, but after hearing Marco Rubio, I have to tell you, he really is a bright light for the Republican Party, and, you know, I agree with you, all the statistics do not lie. I think the largest percentage we ever got was about 41% from George W. Bush the second time around regarding the Latino vote. You know, maybe we should do this, provided not just for security, but all the other issues he mentioned. The tracking of illegal aliens that overstay their visitation visas. I had no idea that they dropped off the radar if and when they overstayed their visas. The job placement, the fining, the going to the back of the line, the getting off the Obamacare thing that would blow a hole -- well, already make a bigger hole through our budget than the one that's already there. Maybe it is the monkey we should get off our back, all right, and maybe it will be something for us to point to in the future and say, "Hey, look what we did as a Republican Party. We led on this, and this is what we got," provided -- and Marco Rubio sounded very strong when he said this -- provided we get everything principally that we're asking for. And the other little sidebar to this is, is it time to panic yet?
RUSH: No, it's not.
RUSH: Not time to panic yet. I'll be very honest. If that moment arrives, I will not hold back. I will not save that information for myself. I will not totally dominate the panic. I'll share it with you when it happens. But I think with Rubio and immigration, there is the potential to be Nixon to China kind of moment, because he's effective. If you take a look at the African-American Republicans, we can cite Clarence Thomas, Thomas Sowell, Shelby Steele, any number, and what is the automatic response? "Well, they're a bunch of Uncle Toms. They're not really authentic African-Americans. They've been bought and sold. They're nothing but step-and-fetch-its. They're the modern-day slaves." That's what's said about those guys. And not just them. I mean, any number of conservative African-Americans.
Now, Rubio has lived it. In terms of the language "down for the struggle," he's there. His father came to this country, he's got an American up-from-nothing story and he's got that story to share. He's lived it. His family's lived it. So he's got street cred on all this when he does go out and talk to Hispanic people in this country who are oriented toward the Democrat Party. He stayed on message. He did this get off message. He kept us focused on what he thinks needs to be done and who he thinks the problems are, primarily Obama. Vinny, you're a good barometer here. I think Rubio impressed a lot of people, including a lot of doubters. You were one.
CALLER: Yeah, I was. But provided he follows through with everything he said. And, you know, we don't come to the table six months from now like he said with a back door deal that cuts out all the enforcement mechanisms --
RUSH: Well, it's not even that, Vinny. Our problem is the president could agree to all of it and then he's not gonna enforce it after he agrees to it. That's the problem that everybody dealing with Obama has to face. I've got story here in the stack, Cass Sunstein, his all-time favorite lawyer, they're talking about second Bill of Rights, old FDR thing, their belief that the Constitution is a charter of negative liberties, it doesn't spell out what the government can do. There's no question what Obama's trying to do to this country, and he doesn't care. He'll not enforce current law. He'll operate outside current law. So let's say the Senate comes up with something that is totally satisfactory to Rubio and they pass it, it passes the House, and Obama signs it. Now, what happens if Obama just doesn't enforce it? And that's a genuine possibility regardless how airtight the legislation is. That's just a fact of life, given this man is president.
CALLER: As usual, Rush, you're right. The only thing I could say to that is what the senator said, Obama isn't president forever, so maybe after he's gone --
RUSH: Well --
CALLER: -- maybe the next president --
RUSH: Well, I didn't want to say anything, but I want to prepare you people for something. I didn't want to say this to Rubio because it was not relevant to what he was talking about. But 2014. Let's move ahead a couple of years. Let's play a little hypothetical game just for the fun of it. Let's say that Obama gets even more of his agenda and let's say the Democrats win the House in 2014 or come close. Would you be surprised if a bunch of Democrats call a press conference one day and suggest repealing the amendment to the Constitution limiting the president to two terms and having it apply to Obama?
CALLER: You're asking me?
CALLER: Would I be surprised? No I wouldn't.
RUSH: You wouldn't. That's the point. You wouldn't be surprised at all. And I'm telling you that I'm not gonna go out on a limb and predict it, but I'm not gonna be surprised if sometime down the road the Democrats come up with this. Oh, brilliant idea, this guy is so great, the American people love this guy. If his approval numbers skyrocket to the sixties, which they're in control of, or into the seventies, what's to stop people, "Oh, we can't afford this guy leaving office. We need to keep him here." And of course you got the low-information voters weighing in on it, who knows. I don't like throwing stuff like this out, and I'm not predicting it, but with this president and this media and this bunch of sycophants in the Democrat Party, you gotta consider it as a possibility, and then how would we compromise on that?
CALLER: I don't know. Can you say revolution? I don't know.
RUSH: Of course you can. Anyway, Vinny. As always, I appreciate the call. I'm glad you got through.
Karen in Cincinnati. You're next. It's great to have you here. Hello.
CALLER: Hi, Rush. How are you? Thanks for taking my call.
RUSH: Fine. Thank you.
CALLER: Unlike one of your callers who felt this was all about the vote, I feel it's all about the money. I think that because Social Security and Medicare are totally tanked, the Democrats want, "Welcome to the United States. Here's your amnesty card, and here's your Social Security card. Go get a job and start paying into Social Security." 'Cause we have so many Baby Boomers who are planning to retire, my husband included, and they are expecting some kind of Social Security benefits.
RUSH: Well --
CALLER: And if it's not there, now obviously there are Democratic Baby Boomers. They don't get their money, they're gonna be a little bit angry with this president and with this party.
RUSH: Well, you are very shrewd. I will tell you that there are a number of Republicans who would support that totally. They're all for an influx of new sources of low-wage labor.
RUSH: That's one of the reasons the Wall Street Journal is so pro-open borders. It's all about low wage labor. Labor is the biggest expense any company has. The lower you can keep it, the higher your profit is. Some are interested in that. And, you're right, I think following the money is always a very smart thing to do, so that's a combination, too. But I do think this. If 70% of the Hispanic vote went Republican, the Democrats would be the ones building the wall on the border.
CALLER: And one other thing, Rush, if the Republicans stick to their guns on being the party of lower taxes, as these workers begin to see their money constantly drawn out of their paychecks, you may find a big switch in the voter mentality and say, "Hey, wait a minute --
CALLER: -- you know, I may have been on welfare when I walked in the door because I needed it --
CALLER: -- then I got a job, now you're killing me."
RUSH: This is why I say it's not time to panic yet. We have not lost the country, you're exactly right, with a young leader like Marco Rubio who can make the case. Marco Rubio is a genuine heartfelt conservative. He can make the case. He can do it optimistically with confidence and with belief. He's got conviction. And passion. Those things are magnetic. So people like Rubio coming up, and there are more of them, Ted Cruz, the opportunity still exists to turn this around. And it must be, and there are a lot of people who believe that. So we hold out hope that it will happen, because it can. It can happen. It has happened before, and anything that has happened can happen again. The odds of that are likely. I appreciate the call, Karen.
RUSH: Here's Casey in Houston. Hi, Casey. Great to have you on the EIB Network. Hello.
CALLER: Hello. Thanks so much for taking my call.
RUSH: You bet.
CALLER: Well, my comment was when Marco Rubio said that they're getting the message out there, I don't think the conservative message is getting out there. I listen to you, and I listen to other conservatives on the radio, but elsewhere, it's not out there. I mean, we lost the election.
RUSH: No, I think he knows that. I think he intends to try to get it out there. His belief is that if people hear it, that they'll respond favorably to it, that it works. And so part and parcel of his immigration proposal is gonna be an outreach plan. I think he's not just gonna stay in Washington. He's gonna take it out there, and he's gonna take this message out there because I'm sure he's got much higher political aspirations than just the Senate.
CALLER: I hope so because I love him, and I am a bit dubious about immigration policy being actually implemented, but I'm with him. I would like to see what he's laying out there happen. I just don't know how they're gonna get it out there because the Democrat Party has mastered this. They've mastered rewriting history to make it tell what they want to say that makes their party look good, like civil rights.
RUSH: I know.
CALLER: When it wasn't them that did it in the first place.
RUSH: I know. They own the low-information voter segments. They own pop culture. They own books, TVs, movies. They own the classroom. That's a key.
CALLER: I've got kids that I'm constantly countering the message they're getting in school. And we're in a fairly conservative district and they're still getting --
RUSH: I know.
CALLER: -- not a conservative message.
RUSH: Oh, it's serious. I'm like you. I'm dubious about immigration. Like I said to him, my first question, "Why are we doing this?" Because it seems to me that everybody's going along living their lives, and the Democrats decide that they want a bigger bite out of America so they come up with a plan, and the Republicans let them set the agenda, okay, that becomes the next thing we're gonna argue about. We never say, "Screw you, we're not going there. We're not gonna do this. We're not gonna compromise." They always join them, and I think it gets back to the whole concept of ruling class, the political class, the elites in Washington, regardless of party all being associated one way or the other, and all having the same objectives, which is an ever-expanding government, a shrinking private sector, which is more power and money for people in government and surrounding environs. And I'm like you. I get tired of the reactionary nature of all this. I mean, this is a repeat of 1986. It's word-for-word. I've got sound bites. I'm gonna illustrate this to an extent. The same things that were said in '86 are being said today, except in '86 they told us we'd never have to do it again.
CALLER: See how well that's working out.
RUSH: Exactly. Exactly. But here you've got young, fresh blood in Rubio who I believe him when he says he wants the next time this is done to in fact be the last time. And I'll tell you, Casey, you need people like that. We don't want people who are defeatist and say we're lost, we can't ever get it back. We need people like Rubio. And when they do things that we support, it is important to stay behind 'em. But I understand it's depressing. You look out over practically every horizon in this country, and you see liberalism dominant everywhere. And among the people who vote, it is. But I'm not sure it is yet, terms of majority population, but of those who vote, it is. And that has to change.
RUSH: To St. Louis. This is Jonathan. I'm glad you waited, sir. Hello.
CALLER: (garbled cell) Rush, God bless you from a left-wing loon.
CALLER: I'm a former Republican. I'm a very social liberal. I'm sorry. I'm very socially conservative, very fiscally liberal. One of the things that nobody's talking about with this immigration is I know that unions at the top have come out for it, but a lot of the locals are dead set against this. This is gonna flood the country with cheap labor, and that's just not good for anybody.
RUSH: Now, wait just a second. Wait, wait, wait, wait.
CALLER: (unintelligible) said something stupid, Rush.
RUSH: Wait. Wait just a second. No, you didn't sound stupid at all. I'm telling you, the unions are not that opposed to this. That's one of the things that... The unions are in the tank for the Democrats, politically. The Democrats want this, and the unions are biting the bullet on it in a number of ways. One of the reasons the unions like this is they ultimately see it as a way to raise the minimum wage, and that's why they support it.
CALLER: (garbled cell)
RUSH: Every time the minimum wages goes up, the union guys get better wages 'cause they say, "Look, if you're giving these low-skilled schlubs all this money, pay us more. We're skilled. We're highly skilled. We're valuable union people. We need a bump," and that's why it's valuable to them. Now, common sense would say that big unions would oppose this because these people are taking jobs. But don't forget: The cliche is that these are jobs that the American union man won't do anymore.
These jobs are beneath the American union worker. The union thugs bite the bullet on this. They're not crazy about it, but they found ways for it to be advantageous. I'm gonna tell you this: Obama is gonna be out in Vegas, if he's on time, in about 15 minutes making his speech. Now, I'll tell you, Jon, who's gonna be on stage with him. Richard Trumka of the AFL-CIO and other union leaders are gonna be on the stage with Obama when he makes the introduction of his amnesty bill. So it's not necessarily true that the unions oppose this. They've got their hooks into it for unseen reasons.
This is Bryce in Augusta, Georgia. It's great to have you on the program, sir. Hi.
CALLER: Hi, Rush. How are you?
RUSH: Very good. Thank you.
CALLER: I just wanted to call and let you weigh in a little bit on... Uh, I guess I have a theory that Obamacare pretty much already gets Obama and his cohorts the votes that he needs. He doesn't really even need a vote, because he can use the guise of health care to effect anything that he wants, whether it be gun control, immigration, or amnesty. My wife and I are both nurses, we're in our third semester of nursing school, and we're in a pediatric course right now. In the textbook, I'm consistently confronted with ways that we need to improve pediatric health care.
CALLER: One major way is we have to "look at the demographics from which these children come," one of them being immigrants, illegal, or migrant workers. Basically they're saying that these children are denied health care by either the health care professionals or their family members. Because there may be people in the house -- even if they're a citizen by birth, there may be people in the house -- with an illegal immigrant status or they're undocumented or whatever you want to call it. That's a barrier that, as health care professionals, we need to overcome and push to change.
RUSH: Well, that's exactly right. We can't have people in the shadows.
RUSH: That's not good for our public health.
RUSH: And so they're all gonna...? Your point is they're gonna get Obamacare even if there's illegal, so Obama's covered on getting their votes anyway no matter what. That's your point?
CALLER: My point is that whether he gets the votes now or later, it doesn't matter. They already have, somewhere in that 2,700-page bill, they already have the mechanism through health care (unintelligible). Well, we need to cover these children, and in order to cover these children, their parents have been citizens or else they're not gonna bring 'em, so we'll just do it that way. He doesn't need anyone to vote on it. I think it's already in there.
RUSH: Oh, so you think that he'll just grant blanket amnesty because we're gonna have to treat the kids of these people, they're citizens, and if their parents aren't, he'll just use the Obamacare trigger mechanism to grant them amnesty and he doesn't even need a piece of legislation for it?
CALLER: I think he would like a piece of legislation 'cause it would be faster. I think that he would have to wait for Obamacare to be implemented and --
RUSH: Got a pretty good example here. This is why all during this Obamacare debate, tried to point out to everybody what it's really all about. Once it's implemented, and next year is full implementation, 2014, it can be used as a tool to get control over everything. Anything and everything, because everything can be said to have costs related to health care. And the government's in charge of those, and therefore they've got control over it. I'll tell you, this Obamacare, this nationalizing one-sixth of the economy, there's a reason that people were calling it ball game if it wasn't repealed and if it passed. Look, there's the no question that the task ahead -- Obama is devastating this country, folks, there's no question about it.